By

Mohamed Boye Jallo Jamboria 






1. Abstract

This paper explores the implications of the emerging multipolar global order on resource-rich but underdeveloped countries, using Sierra Leone as a case study. The analysis highlights how the decline of U.S. dominance and the rise of China and other regional powers create new challenges and opportunities. Key risks include economic dependency, neo-colonial exploitation, and environmental degradation. This paper emphasizes the need for donor-dependent nations like Sierra Leone to revisit their economic planning policies to focus on governance, economic diversification, and sustainable
resource management. The study recommends a proactive approach centered on institutional strengthening, fair trade, and transparent governance to transform resource wealth into sustainable development.

2. Introduction

The global political landscape is undergoing significant transformation, characterized by a shift from U.S.-led unipolarity to a multipolar world with rising powers such as China, India, and Russia (Adams,
2021). For resource-rich but underdeveloped countries like Sierra Leone, this shift presents both unprecedented risks and opportunities.

Sierra Leone, with its abundant mineral resources—diamonds, iron ore, rutile, and bauxite—offers a compelling case study of the "resource curse" phenomenon, where countries rich in natural resources often experience poor governance, low economic diversification, and high dependency on external aid (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2012). Despite substantial natural wealth, Sierra Leone remains one of the poorest countries globally, with over 50% of its population living below the poverty line (World
Bank, 2020).

This paper argues that the changing global order necessitates a fundamental rethinking of economic planning policies in donor-dependent nations. Effective governance, economic diversification, and
transparent management of resource wealth are essential to break the cycle of dependency and ensure sustainable development.

3. Historical Context: Post-WWII Decolonization and Economic Realities

Post-World War II decolonization was significantly influenced by the economic and strategic interests of Western powers. European nations, economically devastated by the war, prioritized rebuilding their
economies over maintaining costly colonial administrations. The U.S.-sponsored Marshall Plan provided financial support to Western Europe but also pressured European powers to dismantle their colonial empires to open markets for American goods (Jones, 2019).

Sierra Leone gained independence in 1961 amid this shifting geopolitical context. However, the economic legacy of colonialism persisted, characterized by a focus on raw material exports and minimal investment in local industries. This dependence on extractive industries has continued to
shape Sierra Leone's economic planning, limiting diversification and making the country vulnerable to global commodity price fluctuations (Brown, 2020).

The experience of post-WWII decolonization underscores the need for Sierra Leone to revisit its economic planning policies, focusing on reducing dependency on primary commodities and fostering local value addition.

4. The Emerging Multipolar World Order

4.1 The Decline of U.S. Dominance

The decline of U.S. dominance is evidenced by economic stagnation, rising national debt, and political polarization, which have constrained its ability to unilaterally shape global economic policies (Adams,
2021). For Sierra Leone, this decline has both positive and negative implications. On one hand, it opens opportunities to diversify trade and investment partners. On the other hand, it reduces the leverage Sierra Leone might have had in securing favourable trade terms under a U.S.-led liberal
economic order.

The retreat of the U.S. from multilateral institutions and its reduced aid budgets also mean that Sierra Leone must seek alternative sources of funding for infrastructure and development projects. This has led to a growing dependence on China and other emerging powers, whose aid and investments often come with fewer governance conditions but higher long-term risks (Lee, 2020).    

4.2 Rise of China and Other Emerging Powers

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become a cornerstone of its global strategy, focusing on infrastructure investments in developing countries, including Sierra Leone. Chinese investments in roads, ports, and energy projects in Sierra Leone have significantly improved the country’s infrastructure. However, many of these projects have been financed through loans secured by natural resources, raising concerns about debt sustainability and sovereignty risks (Brautigam, 2020).

India and Turkey have also increased their presence in Sierra Leone, competing for access to resources and strategic markets. This growing multipolarity presents an opportunity for Sierra Leone to leverage
competition among emerging powers to secure better investment terms. However, it also necessitates a sophisticated economic planning strategy to balance these competing interests effectively.

5. Challenges for Resource-Rich but Underdeveloped Countries: The Case of Sierra Leone

5.1 Economic Dependence on Extractive Industries

Sierra Leone’s economy is heavily reliant on mineral exports, which accounted for over 80% of its export revenues in 2019 (World Bank, 2020). This dependence on primary commodities exposes the economy to significant risks due to volatile global commodity prices. The 2014-2016 collapse in iron ore prices, for example, led to a severe recession, highlighting the dangers of an undiversified economic base.

To address this issue, Sierra Leone must revisit its economic planning policies to promote  industrialization and value addition to raw materials. Investments in agribusiness, manufacturing, and services can help reduce reliance on mineral exports and create more resilient economic
structures.


5.2 Institutional Weakness and Governance Challenges

Corruption and weak institutions have been significant impediments to effective resource management in Sierra Leone. The country ranked 119th out of 180 on the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index in 2020, reflecting widespread governance challenges (Transparency International, 2020).

Institutional reforms focusing on transparency, accountability, and the rule of law are essential for Sierra Leone to manage its resource wealth effectively. Strengthening anti-corruption agencies,
enhancing judicial independence, and implementing transparent contract negotiation processes can help attract sustainable investments and improve public confidence in the government's ability to manage resource revenues.


5.3 Infrastructure Deficits and Technological Dependence

Sierra Leone's infrastructure deficit is a significant barrier to economic diversification and inclusive growth. Poor road networks, unreliable electricity supply, and limited digital infrastructure hinder the
development of manufacturing and services sectors (Smith, 2019). Chinese investments have addressed some of these gaps, but the lack of technology transfer and skills development raises concerns about the sustainability of these projects.

Economic planning should prioritize investments in transport, energy, and digital infrastructure that support a diversified economic base rather than focusing solely on resource extraction. Developing
local technical capacities through vocational training and partnerships with foreign investors can also help reduce technological dependence.


5.4 Environmental Degradation and Socioeconomic Costs

Unregulated mining has led to severe environmental degradation in Sierra Leone, including deforestation, water pollution, and loss of biodiversity. These environmental costs disproportionately affect rural communities, exacerbating poverty and social tensions (Greenpeace, 2021).

Economic planning must integrate environmental sustainability into resource management strategies. Strengthening environmental regulations, enforcing corporate social responsibility (CSR) standards, and investing in renewable energy sources can help mitigate the environmental impact of resource extraction.

6. Strategic Risks in the New Global Order

6.1 Debt Traps and Financial Dependencies

China’s infrastructure investments in Sierra Leone have been primarily financed through concessional loans tied to natural resource exports. The IMF reported that Sierra Leone’s debt-to-GDP ratio reached over 70% in 2020, raising concerns about debt sustainability and the risk of default (IMF, 2020). The Lungi Bridge project, for instance, which was to be financed through a Chinese loan, sparked debates on its economic viability and the potential loss of sovereignty if Sierra Leone failed to service its debts.

Debt dependencies not only constrain fiscal space for social and developmental spending but also limit policy autonomy. Revisiting loan agreements to include more favourable repayment terms and prioritizing grant financing over loans can help mitigate these risks.

 6.2 Exploitative Trade Agreements and Resource Control

Many of Sierra Leone's trade agreements prioritize raw material exports without sufficient provisions for local value addition or technology transfer. These agreements often include tax holidays and other
incentives for foreign investors, reducing potential public revenues. For example, the agreements with iron ore mining companies in Tonkolili and Marampa provided significant tax breaks but limited local employment and technology transfer benefits (Stiglitz, 2017).

Revisiting these trade agreements to incorporate local content requirements, fair revenue-sharing mechanisms, and mandatory technology transfer clauses is essential to maximize the benefits of resource wealth. Strengthening the capacity of trade negotiators and ensuring parliamentary
oversight of trade agreements can also help address these challenges.


6.3 Neo-Colonialism through Technology and Finance

The Digital Silk Road initiative by China has included investments in telecommunications infrastructure in Sierra Leone, such as fibre optic networks and surveillance systems. While these projects enhance digital connectivity, they also create new forms of dependency by locking Sierra Leone into Chinese technology standards and financial systems (Feng, 2019).

To avoid a digital form of neo-colonialism, Sierra Leone should prioritize diversifying its technology partnerships and investing in local IT capabilities. Developing a national data sovereignty strategy that
emphasizes cybersecurity, local data storage, and regulatory oversight can help mitigate the risks of external control over critical digital infrastructure.


7. Revisiting Economic Planning Policies in Donor-Dependent Nations: Lessons from Sierra Leone

7.1 Leveraging Resource Wealth for Sustainable
Development

Sierra Leone’s dependence on donor aid and concessional loans highlights the need for a sovereign wealth fund to manage resource revenues transparently. By investing resource wealth in infrastructure,
education, and healthcare, a sovereign wealth fund can transform mineral wealth into long-term development outcomes (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2012).

Norway’s Oil Fund provides a successful model for Sierra Leone to emulate, with clear governance structures, transparency in resource revenue management, and a focus on intergenerational equity. Establishing a similar fund, coupled with fiscal rules that cap how much of the resource revenue can be spent annually, could help Sierra Leone manage resource volatility and invest in diversified development projects.

7.2 Institutional Strengthening and Good Governance

Effective resource management requires strong institutions that can enforce contracts, regulate industries, and combat corruption. Sierra Leone’s Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has made some progress in prosecuting high-profile cases, but the lack of judicial independence and political
interference remains a significant challenge (Transparency International, 2020).

Institutional reforms should focus on enhancing the independence of the judiciary, strengthening anti-corruption agencies, and ensuring transparency in public procurement. Implementing international
standards such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) can also improve transparency in the management of resource revenues (EITI, 2018).


7.3 Economic Diversification and Human Capital
Development

Sierra Leone’s heavy reliance on extractive industries underscores the need for economic diversification. Expanding the agribusiness sector, which employs over 60% of the population, and promoting light manufacturing can create more resilient and inclusive growth. Government policies should focus on improving access to credit for small and medium enterprises (SMEs), investing in agricultural value chains, and reducing trade barriers within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region (Smith, 2019).

Investing in human capital is equally crucial. Sierra Leone’s education sector faces significant challenges, including low enrolment rates and inadequate vocational training. Aligning education policies with the demands of a diversified economy—such as training in agribusiness, manufacturing, and information technology—can enhance productivity and reduce dependence on resource exports.

7.4 Fair Trade and Transparent Financial Practices

Revisiting trade agreements to prioritize fair trade practices is essential for Sierra Leone’s economic resilience. This includes renegotiating existing agreements to incorporate provisions for local content,
value addition, and equitable revenue sharing. Regional trade agreements, such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), offer opportunities for Sierra Leone to expand its markets and reduce dependency on traditional trade partners (Stiglitz, 2017).

Transparency in financial practices is also critical.
Adopting the EITI standards and requiring full disclosure of mining contracts can reduce corruption risks and ensure that resource revenues are used for public benefit. Strengthening the role of the Parliament in overseeing financial agreements and resource contracts can enhance accountability and
prevent exploitative practices.

Final Words

The emerging multipolar world order presents both risks and opportunities for resource-rich but underdeveloped countries like Sierra Leone. While investments from China and other emerging powers offer prospects for infrastructure development, they also raise concerns about debt dependency, sovereignty risks, and neo-colonial economic relationships.

To navigate these challenges effectively, Sierra Leone must revisit its economic planning policies with a focus on institutional strengthening, economic diversification, and transparent management of resource wealth. Establishing a sovereign wealth fund, enhancing governance frameworks,
and prioritizing education and infrastructure investments can transform mineral wealth into a foundation for inclusive and sustainable development.

By adopting a proactive and transparent approach to managing its resource wealth, Sierra Leone can reduce dependency on donor aid, build a resilient economy, and ensure that its resource wealth benefits all citizens.    

9. References

• • Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A.
    (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and
    Poverty. Crown Publishing Group.

  • Adams,
    
    M. (2021). The Decline of American Power: Strategies and Implications.
    
    Harvard University Press.

  • Brautigam,
    
    D. (2020). The Dragon's Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa.
    
    Oxford University Press.

  • EITI.
    
    (2018). Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative Standard.
    
    Retrieved from www.eiti.org

  • Feng,
    
    Y. (2019). China's Digital Silk Road: Strategic Implications for the
    Global Order. Tsinghua University Press.

  • IMF.
    
    (2020). Sierra Leone Debt Sustainability Analysis. International
    
    Monetary Fund.

  • Lee,
    
    C. (2020). The Belt and Road Initiative: Economic and Strategic
    Implications. Springer.

  • Smith,
    
    A. (2019). Infrastructure Development in Africa: Challenges and
    Opportunities. Oxford University Press.

  • Stiglitz,
    
    J. E. (2017). Globalization and Its Discontents Revisited:
    Anti-Globalization in the Era of Trump. W.W. Norton & Company.

  • Transparency
    
    International. (2020). Corruption Perceptions Index 2020. Retrieved
    
    from www.transparency.org

• World Bank. (2020). Sierra
  Leone Economic Update: Promoting Inclusive Growth. World Bank
  Publications.

About the Writer

Mohamed Boye Jallo Jamboria is a Sierra Leonean educator, consultant, and writer based in Bergen, Norway, with a diverse professional background in rural community development, agribusiness, and public service. From 2011 to 2015, he served two terms as a councillor for the Liberal Party in Lindås Municipality, Norway, and was a member of the Gender and Equality Committee, advocating for inclusive policies and social equity.

In the media sphere, Jamboria hosts the Redemption Broadcast Network (RBN) podcast, which addresses Sierra Leone's societal and developmental challenges, focusing on the social and psychological factors influencing human behaviour and national progress. He also manages a YouTube channels @RbnLiveTV that promotes advocacy for social justice, trust building and Youth Empowerment and the Aboulay Education vision, advocating for mother tongue languages in teaching to enhance education in Sierra Leone.

Jamboria is the president of the ScanAfrik Foundation, an NGO that supports the interests of Africans in Norway and across the continent. He shares his insights through his blog on Google Blogger at redemptionnetwork.blogspot.com
and on Salone Redeemer at https://saloneredeemer.com. His online radio platform can be accessed at rbnlive.webradiosite.com.

Social Media Presence:

• Twitter
  (X): @Boyejay

• Instagram: @redemption_bn
  and @aboulayminds

• WordPress: Salone Redeemer

Jamboria also contributes to The Patriotic Vanguard and other platforms, advocating for Sierra Leone’s development. For more insights, visit his blog, social media profiles, or listen to his online radio.

 

 

 

Sierra Leone is a nation that embodies a
paradox of cultural unity and political fragmentation. Despite being one of the
most culturally and religiously homogeneous countries in Africa, the country
remains deeply polarized along regional and partisan lines. The dominant
Islamic faith and the Fulani-Mande cultural foundation create profound
commonalities among Sierra Leone’s major ethnic groups, including the Mende,
Temne, Limba, and Mandingo. Inter-ethnic marriages, the widespread use of
common surnames, and the overlapping linguistic traditions suggest that the
country should, in theory, have a strong sense of national unity. However,
political fragmentation has persisted as a significant challenge, sustained by
historical legacies, elite manipulation, and institutional weaknesses. Unlike
many African nations where ethnic and religious divisions are the main sources
of conflict, Sierra Leone demonstrates how political identity can override
cultural commonalities, fuelling instability.

 

 

Political polarization in Sierra Leone has
been reinforced through decades of historical, colonial, and post-colonial
political manoeuvring. The two dominant parties, the All People’s Congress
(APC) and the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP), have historically entrenched
regional loyalties and reinforced a winner-takes-all system of governance. This
political culture has created an environment where electoral victories often
lead to the systematic exclusion of the opposition, heightening political
tensions and fostering long-term instability. To understand why these divisions,
persist despite a shared cultural foundation, it is essential to examine Sierra
Leone’s historical trajectory, the role of secret societies, the importance of
inter-ethnic surnames, and the ways political elites have strategically
manipulated these identities to maintain power.

 

 

The political divisions in Sierra Leone have
deep roots in the colonial governance structures established by the British.
The colonial rulers implemented a dual system of governance, in which the north
was governed through indirect rule—granting significant administrative power to
local chiefs—while the south and east were subjected to direct rule under
colonial officers. This system created significant economic and infrastructural
disparities between the two regions, fuelling political competition and
long-term rivalries (Bangura, 2015).

 

 

At independence in 1961, these colonial
divisions continued to shape Sierra Leone’s political landscape. The SLPP,
which had led the independence movement, was largely associated with the Mende-dominated
south and east, while the APC, founded in the 1960s, built its political base
in the predominantly Temne and Limba northern regions. Over the decades,
political power has oscillated between these two dominant parties, each
reinforcing regional loyalties and prioritizing its strongholds over national
governance.

 

 

The civil war (1991–2002) further aggravated
these divisions. While the war was driven by grievances related to corruption,
economic marginalization, and centralized governance, it was also heavily
influenced by regional factionalism. The Revolutionary United Front (RUF)
insurgency, initially framed as a rebellion against state corruption, became
deeply entangled in regional power struggles. Though the war ended in 2002, the
mistrust it cultivated between political actors has continued to shape
electoral politics and governance, making it difficult for the country to move
beyond regional partisanship.

 

Despite the deep political divisions, Sierra
Leone remains remarkably homogeneous in cultural and linguistic identity. One
of the strongest indicators of this shared heritage is the prevalence of common
surnames across ethnic groups. Names such as Koroma, Kamara, Conteh, Bangura,
Fofanah, and Sesay are widely used among the Temne, Limba, Mandingo, and Mende
peoples. These surnames have deep historical origins, tracing back to Fulani,
Senegambian, Konyaka, Malinke, and Gbandi-Loko migrations that shaped Sierra
Leone’s demographics.

 

 

The Koroma surname is particularly
significant. While commonly associated with the Limba and Temne, it is also
found among the Mende-speaking population. This widespread presence reflects
the extensive influence of Mande heritage across Sierra Leone. Historically,
the Koroma name has been linked to warriors, traders, and political leaders who
played crucial roles in both pre-colonial and colonial Sierra Leone. Its
presence across ethnic groups also suggests historical ties to the Mali and
Songhai Empires, which facilitated the spread of Mande culture, language, and
surnames across West Africa.

 

 

Similarly, the Fofanah surname, widely
associated with the Mandingo, Temne, and Mende, has strong Senegambian roots.
Many Fofanah families trace their lineage to Fulani-Mande Islamic scholars and
traders who migrated southward from Mali and Guinea into Sierra Leone. Their
integration into different communities over centuries led to the widespread
adoption of the Fofanah name across various ethnic groups. Many individuals
bearing the Fofanah name have historically played key roles in Islamic
scholarship, governance, and commerce.

 

 

The Sesay surname is another example of a
Mande-Senegambian name that has been adopted across multiple ethnic groups in
Sierra Leone. Like the Fofanah name, Sesay is historically linked to Malian and
Senegambian expansions, particularly during the height of the Mali Empire’s
trade networks. Families with the Sesay name were influential in establishing trade
routes, religious schools, and political networks, facilitating economic and
social integration across different regions. The name’s widespread presence
across various districts reinforces the idea that Sierra Leone’s ethnic groups
have long been connected through trade, migration, and intermarriage.

 

 

Beyond surnames, place names in Sierra Leone
also reflect Mande, Fulani, and Senegambian influences. The Koya region, which
exists in both Port Loko and Kenema districts, directly references the Mane
warriors who established strongholds in Sierra Leone and the broader Mano River
Union region. The recurring names Gbendembu (in Bombali) and Nongowa (in
Kenema) highlight the influence of Gbandi, Loko, and Mande-speaking groups in
shaping Sierra Leone’s geographic and cultural landscape. The place name Sumbuya,
found in almost every district, further underscores the deep historical
interactions that have shaped Sierra Leone’s modern identity.

One of the most enduring cultural institutions
that binds Sierra Leone together is the predominance of Mande secret societies,
particularly the Poro and Sande societies. These secret societies, which
originated from the broader Mande cultural sphere, have played a critical role
in shaping political, spiritual, and social life in Sierra Leone.

 

 

The Poro society, which is primarily for men,
functions as an institution of governance, education, and moral regulation. It
serves as a training ground where political leaders and traditional elders are
taught leadership, conflict mediation, and societal laws. The Sande society,
the women’s counterpart, plays an equally vital role in the education and
initiation of young women, focusing on social responsibility, fertility, and
leadership.

 

 

Although originally associated with Mande-speaking
groups such as the Mende and Mandingo, these societies have been adopted by non-Mande
groups, including the Temne and Limba. The widespread presence of Poro and
Sande societies reinforces Sierra Leone’s cultural unity, even in the face of political
polarization. However, political elites have often exploited these secret
societies to consolidate power, maintain political loyalty, and suppress
opposition figures.

Despite its deep cultural homogeneity, Sierra
Leone remains politically divided due to historical legacies, elite
manipulation, and weak democratic institutions. However, the country’s shared
linguistic, religious, and historical heritage, including the widespread use of
inter-ethnic surnames and place names and the enduring influence of Mande
secret societies, provides a strong foundation for national unity. By prioritizing
institutional reforms, decentralization, and issue-based governance, Sierra
Leone can move beyond partisan conflicts and build a more cohesive national
identity.

 

 

References

• Bangura, Y. (2015). Democracy and identity conflict in Sierra
  Leone: Reflections on the political landscape. African Affairs,
  114(455), 224-246.
• Conteh, M. (2019). Political favoritism and regional disparities
  in Sierra Leone: A historical perspective. Journal of African Studies,
  14(2), 89-102.
• Fyle, C. (2006). Historical dictionary of Sierra Leone.
  Scarecrow Press.
• Little, K. (1965). The Political Function of the Poro Society in
  Kpaa Mende society. Africa, 35(4), 349-365.
• Sesay, A. (2020). Partisan governance and democratic
  consolidation in Sierra Leone. West African Politics Journal, 12(3),
  56-78.

 

West Africa is endowed with vast natural resources and a rich cultural heritage, yet it remains one of the poorest regions in the world. According to the World Bank (2020), poverty rates in West Africa exceed 40%, with some countries, such as Niger and Mali, experiencing extreme deprivation. The persistence of poverty in the region is not merely a result of economic challenges but is deeply embedded in historical, social, and political structures that perpetuate inequality. Among the key factors sustaining poverty are the caste system, weak governance, economic mismanagement, impunity, and historical trauma.

This article explores these interrelated issues and examines how decentralisation and the inclusion of traditional governance structures can contribute to poverty alleviation.

Poverty in West Africa is deeply rooted in historical, political, and social structures that sustain inequality. The caste system, corruption, economic exclusion, impunity, and historical trauma all contribute to the persistence of poverty. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive strategy that includes decentralization, the integration of traditional governance structures, judicial and political reforms, and investment in education and economic empowerment. By embracing localised and inclusive governance models, West African societies can break the cycle of poverty and create a more equitable future.

Although the caste system is most commonly associated with South Asia, it is also a defining social structure in many West African societies. Countries such as Mali, Senegal, Guinea, and Niger have long-standing caste hierarchies that dictate an individual’s social status, profession, and economic opportunities (Tamari, 1991). The caste system in these societies divides people into hierarchical groups, often limiting access to education, employment, and land ownership for marginalized castes. For example, in Mali and Senegal, the griots (oral historians) and Nyamakalaw (artisan castes) are often denied access to political power and high-status professions, while noble and warrior castes control economic and political resources (Bellagamba et al., 2013).

Additionally, descendants of slaves in countries such as Mauritania and Niger continue to experience systemic discrimination and economic exclusion. The rigid social stratification creates a cycle of poverty, where marginalized groups struggle to access opportunities for social mobility.

The Haratine Community in Mauritania for example is a historically enslaved group in Mauritania, continues to face systemic discrimination. Although slavery was officially abolished in 1981, many Haratine remain in servitude-like conditions, working as unpaid domestic labourers (Minority Rights Group, 2021). Limited access to education and land ownership perpetuates their economic marginalization, leaving them trapped in intergenerational poverty.

Governance in many West African countries is characterised by centralised power structures, weak institutions, and widespread corruption. Political elites often control state resources, diverting them for personal gain rather than for public investment in infrastructure, healthcare, and education (Transparency International, 2021). As a result, many essential public services remain underfunded, leaving large portions of the population without access to basic amenities.  A Vicious Cycle Corruption has a direct impact on poverty by limiting economic opportunities and undermining development efforts.

In Nigeria, for example, the mismanagement of oil revenues has led to severe underdevelopment in the Niger Delta region. Despite being rich in oil, the region suffers from high unemployment rates, poor infrastructure, and environmental degradation due to unchecked exploitation by multinational corporations and corrupt government officials (Okonkwo, 2019).

Many West African economies remain dependent on extractive industries such as mining, oil, and agriculture. However, these industries are often controlled by multinational corporations in partnership with political elites, leaving little economic benefit for the general population (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2012).

Additionally, rural communities, particularly subsistence farmers, struggle with insecure land tenure, making it difficult for them to invest in agricultural production or access credit (World Bank, 2020). In Sierra Leone, large-scale land acquisitions by foreign agribusiness companies have displaced thousands of farmers, depriving them of their livelihoods. Many of these deals are brokered by corrupt government officials who prioritize foreign investment over the well-being of local populations (Moyo & Yeros, 2011). As a result, communities that rely on agriculture are left impoverished, with limited means of survival.

Further,the history of slavery, colonialism, and post-independence dictatorship has left deep psychological and social scars in West African societies. Centuries of exploitation have fostered a culture of fear and resignation, where individuals often feel powerless to challenge corrupt leadership or demand accountability. Political Repression and Fear In many West African countries, political dissent is met with repression.

Governments use intimidation tactics, including arrests, media censorship, and even violence, to silence critics (Gyimah-Boadi, 2015). This culture of fear discourages active political participation, allowing corrupt regimes to maintain power unchallenged.

The effects of armed conflicts in West Africa—such as civil wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Côte d’Ivoire—have had long-term economic and psychological consequences. Many individuals who experienced violence during these conflicts continue to suffer from trauma, reducing their ability to engage in economic activities or civic participation (Richards, 1996). Additionally, the destruction of infrastructure during conflicts has left many communities without access to essential services, further deepening poverty.

The lack of accountability for political and economic misconduct perpetuates poverty by allowing corruption and exploitation to thrive. When powerful individuals are not held accountable for crimes such as embezzlement, electoral fraud, or human rights violations, economic mismanagement continues unchecked (Ndikumana & Boyce, 2011).

In Guinea, successive governments have engaged in corrupt practices, including illicit mining deals and public fund embezzlement. Despite numerous reports of corruption, few officials have been prosecuted, creating an environment where public resources are continuously siphoned away from development projects (Hoffmann & Patel, 2017).

Bringing Governance Closer to the People Decentralization is a governance strategy that involves transferring decision-making power, resources, and responsibilities from central governments to local authorities. This approach aims to bring governance closer to the people, allowing communities to have greater control over their own development. Decentralization has gained traction as an effective means of improving governance in many parts of the world, particularly in West Africa, where centralized state structures have often struggled to meet the needs of diverse and widely dispersed populations (Smoke, 2003). Research suggests that decentralized governance leads to better resource allocation, increased accountability, and improved service delivery, ultimately contributing to economic empowerment and sustainable development. Improved Resource Allocation One of the key advantages of decentralization is improved resource allocation. Local governments, being closer to the communities they serve, have a better understanding of local needs and priorities. Unlike centralised governance, where decision-making is often detached from the realities on the ground, decentralised systems enable authorities to allocate resources in a way that directly addresses community needs, thereby reducing inefficiencies in service delivery (Smoke, 2003). For example, in Ghana, the decentralisation policy has enabled district assemblies to have greater control over local infrastructure projects, such as schools, healthcare facilities, and roads. By prioritising investments based on community needs, these local bodies have been able to ensure that resources are used more effectively than they would be under a highly centralised government (Ayee, 2004).

In contrast, overly centralised governance structures often lead to resource misallocation, as central governments may lack the localised knowledge necessary to make informed decisions on resource distribution (Ribot, 2002).

Decentralisation also enhances governance by increasing accountability. When power is concentrated at the national level, citizens often feel disconnected from decision-makers, making it difficult to demand transparency and accountability.

By shifting decision-making power to local authorities, decentralisation creates opportunities for citizens to directly engage with officials and hold them accountable for their actions (Agrawal & Ribot, 1999). In Senegal, for instance, local governments are responsible for managing a significant portion of the national budget for public services. This has allowed citizens to participate more actively in governance through community meetings and local development councils, where they can voice their concerns and monitor how public funds are being used (Ribot, 2002). As a result, corruption and mismanagement are reduced, and public officials become more responsive to community needs.

Additionally, decentralised governance strengthens democratic participation by encouraging civic engagement. When people feel that their voices matter in local decision-making, they are more likely to take an active role in governance, thereby reinforcing democratic principles and social trust (Smoke, 2003). Economic Empowerment Decentralisation plays a crucial role in economic empowerment by fostering local economic development.

Local governments can create policies that support community-based businesses, small and medium enterprises (SMEs), and local entrepreneurship, which in turn generate employment and stimulate economic growth (Faguet, 2012). In Uganda, the decentralisation policy has allowed local governments to implement development projects tailored to their specific economic circumstances. Through local cooperatives and targeted investment in agriculture, small businesses have flourished, contributing to economic empowerment at the grassroots level (Ahmad et al., 2005).

By enabling local authorities to design economic policies that reflect local needs, decentralization ensures that economic growth is inclusive and sustainable. Furthermore, decentralised governance fosters innovation by encouraging local governments to develop creative solutions to economic challenges. In contrast to one-size-fits-all national policies, decentralised economic strategies can be adapted to suit regional strengths and opportunities, ultimately leading to more resilient and diversified economies (Faguet, 2012).

Decentralisation is a powerful governance tool that brings decision-making closer to the people, improving resource allocation, increasing accountability, and fostering economic empowerment. By ensuring that local governments have the authority and resources to make decisions that reflect the needs of their communities, decentralised governance enhances public service delivery, strengthens democratic participation, and supports sustainable economic development. In West Africa, where centralised state structures have historically struggled to address local challenges effectively, decentralisation offers a viable solution to improving governance and promoting inclusive growth. However, for decentralisation to be successful, governments must ensure adequate funding, capacity-building, and institutional support for local authorities to function effectively.

By embracing decentralised governance, West African nations can create more responsive, accountable, and development-oriented political systems. Incorporating Traditional Governance Systems in West Africa .

Traditional governance structures, such as chieftaincies and village councils, have played a crucial role in the political and social organization of West African societies for centuries. Rooted in indigenous knowledge and customs, these systems continue to serve as intermediaries between communities and state institutions, offering culturally relevant governance that aligns with the needs of local populations (Ray, 2003). Despite modernisation and the expansion of formal state structures, traditional governance remains essential, particularly in rural areas where government presence is weak or ineffective (Logan, 2013). As such, integrating these structures into modern governance frameworks can enhance legitimacy, strengthen conflict resolution mechanisms, improve land management, and foster social cohesion. West Africa’s colonial legacy disrupted indigenous governance systems by imposing Western administrative structures that often-sidelined traditional authorities. However, many of these institutions have endured, adapting to contemporary governance challenges. In many cases, traditional leaders hold significant influence over local populations, particularly in rural communities where state institutions struggle to deliver essential services (Boone, 2014).

Chiefs, village elders, and religious leaders often serve as arbiters of justice, land custodians, and cultural gatekeepers, ensuring continuity in governance and social order. Their authority, derived from historical lineage and communal trust, provides an alternative governance model that remains deeply respected by local populations. One of the key contributions of traditional governance is conflict resolution. Customary leaders are widely regarded as legitimate mediators in disputes, often resolving conflicts more effectively than formal judicial systems, which can be slow, costly, and inaccessible (Logan, 2013). For instance, in Ghana, traditional authorities play a crucial role in addressing land disputes and inter-ethnic tensions, offering solutions that prioritize reconciliation over retribution (Ubink & Amanor, 2008). Similarly, in Nigeria, traditional rulers mediate between different religious and ethnic groups, reducing tensions and promoting peace (Aiyede, 2018).

Recognising and incorporating these mechanisms into formal governance structures can improve justice accessibility and enhance community stability. Traditional leaders also play a central role in land management, an issue that remains a source of conflict and economic disparity in West Africa. Land tenure in many rural areas is governed by customary laws rather than state regulations, and chiefs are often responsible for overseeing land distribution and resolving disputes (Amanor, 2001). However, colonial-era land policies and post-independence reforms have disrupted these systems, leading to conflicts between local farmers, foreign investors, and government agencies (Boone, 2014).

By integrating traditional land governance structures into national frameworks, governments can enhance transparency, promote equitable land distribution, and reduce disputes. Beyond governance, traditional institutions contribute to social cohesion by fostering cultural continuity and community development. Chiefs and elders act as custodians of cultural heritage, preserving languages, rituals, and communal values that reinforce identity and solidarity (Ray, 2003).

Moreover, their leadership in local development initiatives, such as education and healthcare, strengthens community resilience and enhances social welfare (Sklar, 1999). Rather than sidelining these institutions, integrating traditional governance into modern frameworks can enhance local legitimacy, improve dispute resolution, and promote inclusive development. By bridging the gap between customary and state governance, West African nations can create more effective and culturally relevant governance systems that empower local communities while reinforcing national stability. Conflict Resolution Traditional leaders are widely regarded as legitimate and effective mediators in conflict resolution. In many West African societies, disputes over land, marriage, inheritance, and intercommunal conflicts are often resolved through customary courts presided over by chiefs, elders, and religious leaders. These institutions operate based on oral traditions and restorative justice, focusing on reconciliation rather than punishment (Logan, 2013). In contrast to formal judicial systems, which may be slow, expensive, and inaccessible—particularly in rural areas—traditional authorities provide a more efficient and community-centered approach to justice (Sklar, 1999). For instance, in Ghana, the chieftaincy system plays a crucial role in resolving land disputes and inter-ethnic conflicts, often preventing prolonged litigation and violence (Ubink & Amanor, 2008). Similarly, in Nigeria’s northern regions, traditional rulers, such as the Emirs, mediate between different ethnic and religious groups, reducing tensions and fostering peaceful coexistence (Aiyede, 2018). Moreover, traditional authorities often possess extensive knowledge of local customs, making them better equipped to handle culturally sensitive issues.

Recognising and integrating these conflict resolution mechanisms into formal governance structures could enhance justice accessibility and promote stability in fragile regions. Land Management Land remains a critical resource in West Africa yet disputes over land ownership and usage rights are common sources of conflict. Traditional leaders historically oversee land allocation, ensuring equitable distribution based on customary laws and communal agreements (Amanor, 2001). Their involvement in land governance is crucial in preventing conflicts between individuals, families, and communities, especially in agrarian societies where land is the primary means of livelihood. In many West African countries, colonial and post-colonial land policies have disrupted traditional land tenure systems, often prioritizing formal land titles over customary claims. This has led to disputes, particularly between local farmers and large-scale investors or government-backed projects (Boone, 2014).

In Sierra Leone, for example, foreign agribusinesses acquiring vast lands have displaced local farmers, exacerbated poverty and fuelling tensions (Moyo & Yeros, 2011). Traditional rulers, however, often serve as intermediaries in negotiating land deals and ensuring that local communities benefit from land use agreements. Empowering traditional authorities within land governance frameworks can help reconcile customary and statutory laws, reducing disputes and enhancing rural development. Ghana’s experience with customary land secretariats—where chiefs collaborate with local governments in land administration—illustrates how traditional governance can be successfully integrated into formal land policies (Ubink, 2008). Cultural and Social Cohesion Traditional governance systems also play a critical role in fostering cultural identity, community development, and social cohesion. Chiefs and elders serve as custodians of cultural heritage, ensuring the transmission of indigenous knowledge, values, and customs across generations (Ray, 2003). Their leadership strengthens communal bonds, providing a sense of belonging and collective responsibility among community members. In times of crisis, traditional leaders often act as unifying figures. For example, during the Ebola outbreak in Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone (2014–2016), local chiefs played a pivotal role in enforcing health measures, dispelling misinformation, and mobilizing community support for public health interventions (Richards, 2016). Their involvement increased compliance with safety regulations, demonstrating how traditional governance can complement state efforts in crisis management. Furthermore, traditional authorities facilitate economic cooperation and local development initiatives.

Many West African chiefs engage in mobilizing resources for education, health, and infrastructure projects in their communities. In Senegal, for instance, religious and traditional leaders have been instrumental in promoting social welfare programs and supporting local entrepreneurship (Skalník, 2004).

References 

1. Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2012). Why nations fail: The origins of power, prosperity, and poverty. Crown Publishers.
2. Aiyede, R. E. (2018). Traditional rulers and conflict mediation in Nigeria: Navigating the tensions between custom and state authority. African Journal of Governance and Development, 7(2), 32–51.
3. Amanor, K. S. (2001). Land, labour and the family in Southern Ghana: A critique of land policy under neo-liberalisation. Nordic Africa Institute.
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The history of the medieval Western Sudan is a
tapestry of empires that shaped the region’s political, cultural, and economic
trajectories. While much has been written about the Ghana, Mali, and Songhay
empires, the Susu kingdom remains a lesser known but equally important chapter
in this narrative. This article explores the Susu kingdom’s historical
relevance, geographical reach, and enduring connections to the Mano River and
Sierra Leone, drawing on oral traditions, medieval chronicles, and Portuguese
records. Stephan Bühnen’s (1994) insightful work provides the foundation for
this exploration.

 

The Rise
and Influence of the Susu Kingdom

The Susu kingdom rose to prominence after the
decline of Ghana and before the rise of Mali, dominating the Futa Jalon and
Sankaran regions. This kingdom leveraged its strategic location and economic
resources, particularly its access to gold from the Bure mines, to become a
significant regional power (Bühnen, 1994). Its influence extended to the Upper
Niger and beyond, reaching regions close to the Mano River basin. Unlike Ghana
and Mali, Susu’s prominence south of Arab trade routes has contributed to its relatively
limited documentation in medieval Arabic sources.

The Susu people established political and
economic structures that laid the foundation for their later connections to
Sierra Leone and the Mano River region. The kingdom’s decline began with the
rise of Mali under Sunjata Keita and culminated in the 18th century with the
Fula jihad, but the Susu people’s legacy endured in their migration and
cultural influence across the region.

 

The Susu
and the Mano River Region

The Susu’s geographical and historical ties to
the Mano River region are deeply rooted in their migrations, trade networks,
and cultural exchanges. Following the decline of their kingdom, the Susu moved
southward, settling in areas near the modern-day borders of Guinea, Liberia,
and Sierra Leone. These migrations brought them into contact with ethnic groups
such as the Mende, Temne, and Kissi, influencing the demographics and cultural
practices of the region.

The Mano River served as a vital waterway for
trade, linking inland goldfields with coastal trade centers. The Susu, known
for their expertise in trade and mining, played a pivotal role in facilitating
the exchange of goods such as gold, kola nuts, and salt. Portuguese records
from the 15th and 16th centuries document the Susu’s active participation in
these networks, particularly along the coasts of Guinea and Sierra Leone
(Bühnen, 1994).

 

 

Cultural
and Religious Influence in Sierra Leone

The Susu’s migration into Sierra Leone had a
lasting impact on the region’s cultural and religious landscape. Their early
adoption of Islam contributed to the spread of Islamic practices in the Mano
River basin and Sierra Leone. The Susu’s integration into local communities
also influenced linguistic and cultural exchanges. For example, the Susu
language, part of the Mande family, shares similarities with languages spoken
in Sierra Leone, reflecting their historical interactions and intermarriages.

In addition to their linguistic and religious
contributions, the Susu introduced governance practices that shaped local
chieftaincies. Oral traditions in Sierra Leone often highlight the Susu’s role
in establishing political structures, emphasizing their historical significance
in the region.

 

Portuguese
Accounts and European Records

European explorers and traders, particularly
the Portuguese, encountered the Susu during their coastal expeditions. These
records provide valuable insights into the Susu’s role as intermediaries in
regional trade. The Portuguese described the Susu as key players in gold
exports, which linked the inland economies of the Western Sudan to the
burgeoning global trade networks of the Atlantic (Bühnen, 1994). These accounts
also highlight the Susu’s presence in Sierra Leone and their connections to the
Mano River basin.

 

Sankaran
and the Susu Legacy

The Sankaran region, identified as the
heartland of the Susu kingdom, remained a significant power centre even after
the kingdom’s decline. The Konte lineage, central to Sankaran’s governance,
continued to exert influence, preserving the memory of Susu’s imperial past.
Bühnen (1994) notes that Sankaran’s traditions, including those preserved in
the Sunjata epic, reflect the cultural and political importance of the region.

The Susu’s transition into polities like Jalo
and their eventual absorption into the Muslim Fula state of Futa Jalon
illustrate a pattern of continuity and adaptation. Despite losing political
independence, the Susu maintained their identity, leaving a lasting imprint on
the cultural and political fabric of the Mano River region and Sierra Leone.

 

Conclusion

The Susu kingdom represents a critical yet
understudied chapter in West African history. Its influence extended from the
Futa Jalon and Sankaran regions to the Mano River and Sierra Leone, shaping
trade, culture, and religion. By examining oral traditions, chronicles, and
European records, scholars like Stephan Bühnen (1994) have illuminated the
Susu’s enduring legacy. Today, their contributions remain a testament to the
dynamic interplay of migration, trade, and cultural exchange in precolonial
Africa.

 

References

Bühnen, S. (1994). In quest of Susu. History
in Africa, 21, 1–47.https://www.jstor.org/stable/3171880